Pritilata the Revolutionary



Pradip Kumar Dutta, Researcher and writer
ছবি: সংগৃহীত

ছবি: সংগৃহীত

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The great young lady from Chattogram is synonymous with courage, patriotism and selfless service to the motherland. Pritilata Waddedar was one of the first ladies of the British Indian colony who threw away their image as soft hearted, behind the curtain, homemaker and fought hand in hand with their male comrades in arms. This part of the anti-British colonial struggle was named Agnijug (time of fiery struggle). Being frustrated about the outcome of peaceful movements by the political parties, a section of the British Indian youth resorted to armed struggle to drive the colonial British administration out of their motherland. Bengal and Punjab were the two parts of the subcontinent that saw highest concentration of such revolutionary youth though chivalrous youth from other provinces of the British colony also joined such activities.

British ships hit the Indian shores during the Mughal era. They came as traders under the banner of British East India Company and achieved the first nod to do business from Emperor Jahangir. The Europeans knew India as a wealthy place and all the colonisers have set their feet on the Indian soil to have a slice of the cake. Apart from the British, the French, Dutch, Danish and Portuguese were also interested in India. During the zenith of the Mughal Empire, India used to be home to 25% of the world's wealth. Arabs and even some Africans were also frequent visitors to India. They came as real business people.

The European powers realised that they would be able to drain the Indian wealth and resources to their homes better and unhindered if they could gain the administrative power of the region. By the beginning of the 1700s the mighty Mughal Empire became weak and the Maratha Empire rose. Together with that smaller sovereigns also sprang up. They fought against each other to gain supremacy. Attacks from Persia, Central Asia and Afghanistan weakened India. Mughal governors of different areas started defying the Delhi throne and started ruling the area under their jurisdiction as sovereigns. The Europeans having better armaments took the chance of gaining strength by supporting this side or the other in their fight for supremacy. By then, the British had outsmarted the other Europeans and were the sole European power mongers in the subcontinent. Slowly they started taking over control of the lands where they won against the incumbent rulers. It started in the middle of the eighteenth century and within a century, they took control over the whole Indian subcontinent. Burma and Ceylone followed.

Thence started the massive exploitation of the wealthy land. When the British had to leave the subcontinent, the Indo-Pak subcontinent was left with only 3℅ of the world's wealth. Estimates show that the British colonisers have siphoned USD 45 trillion in present currency out of the Indian subcontinent during two centuries of their colonial subjugation. The Indians were no fools. They knew exactly what was happening and tried to raise their voice against all exploitation. In1886 Indian National Congress was formed and it started political campaign against colonial exploitation. The British administration used carrot and stick policy and played all tricks to subdue all movements against them. Whenever necessary they even played the religious card of divide and rule policy. In 1905 the Muslim League was formed as a political party to safeguard the interests of the Muslim population of the subcontinent.

Both Congress and Muslim League were conventional political parties and they kept trying to safeguard the interest of the Indian population by usual ways of raising demands, organising political agitations, engaging in negotiations with the administration, resorting to strikes, etc. The British rulers were in no mood to budge in. It seemed that there was no end to the colonial savage exploitation. Towards the beginning of the 1900s the youth of the subcontinent became restless. The aforesaid Agnijug started. We see examples of their armed activities in the Khudiram/Prafulla Chaki heroism in Mujaffarpur, Alipore Bomb case, Rodda Company episode, Kakori train attack, Bhagat Singh’s bravery, Calcutta Writer's Building attack by Binoy, Badal, Dinesh and finally the Chittagong Youth Rebellion.

The planners and executors of these revolutionary activities knew very well that by such actions the huge British colonial administration could not be uprooted. They risked their lives to execute such chivalrous feats to show to their compatriots that the British raj is not invincible. They can be unsettled. The patriots hoped that their actions would act as sparks to the existing fuel of anger of their countrymen on the inhuman oppressive regime. If such small fires can be ignited by armed actions in different parts of the country, gradually the fire will spread all over and drive the colonisers out.

The mastermind, planner and leading executor of the Chittagong Youth Rebellion was the great Masterda Surya Sen, one time secretary of Chittagong district Congress party. He had interactions with leaders of Agnijug, who worked under the banners of underground organisations Anushilan Samity and Jugantor, while Masterda was a degree student in Bahrampur College. Young Surjo Sen was greatly influenced by the thoughts of Agnijug stalwarts and took a vow to act accordingly. For that he needed time to prepare himself and build up a group of dedicated, determined and patriotic young people. He came back to his native Chittagong and took up teaching as his profession. His profession provided him the opportunity to come into close contact with youth. Together with Mathematics he taught them Patriotism too.

The subcontinent was already a fertile ground of revolution because of the colonial blood sucking policies of the British imperialist administration. It was a heap of gunpowder awaiting a spark. Masterda provided that spark. Patriotic youth were eager, to say the least, to jump into the band wagon of revolution. Masterda recruited the most reliable ones as he had to keep the whole activity secret. His formation of Chittagong Republican Army was of more than two hundred dedicated patriots. Besides, there were hundreds of sympathisers and aspirants to join the core group.

He, being the supreme commander, was inspired by the Irish Easter Rebellion. The D day was decided to be on 18 April 1930. A filtered group of 64 youth was selected from amongst the members of IRA. They were divided into sub groups to achieve the following tasks: To occupy the telegraph station and destroy all means of communication with Chittagong;
To damage a portion of the train line near Feni, so that Chittagong remains isolated from the rest of India; To occupy and take control of armoury of the Auxiliary Force; To attack Chittagong Club and kill and scare the whites assembled there and to occupy the Police Armoury and declare Independence.

Out of the five targets,the Chittagong Club attack was not executed as it was empty for Easter.

The plan was successfully implemented. Masterda, as the Supremo, was given a Guard of Honour by members of the IRA at the Police Hills in Dampara as Head of the Provisional government. All the British officers reportedly left their positions and took shelter in ships anchored in the Karnaphuli River. Chittagong remained free of British rule for four days. It was no mean achievement. It was proven that if struck with courage, the mighty colonisers can be taught a lesson. Of course the leader of the revolution knew that by this action alone they could not defeat the British and drive them away. He wanted to set an example.

After the initial victory, the IRA group retreated to the Jalalabad hills and on the third day the British armed forces attacked their position.Though they were hugely outnumbered by the enemy, the boys put up a gallant fight with their primitive (in comparison to the British) arms. When it was getting dark the enemy retreated carrying back their casualties. It is mentioned in some documents that they incurred a loss of 80 soldiers. The British side never revealed any true figure. 12 of the brave revolutionary youth laid down their lives fighting gallantly. When the enemy soldiers left, the martyrs were given a Guard of Honour before a makeshift arrangement of cremation. Then by order of Commander Masterda, the revolutionary team left Jalalabad hills to spread in the villages for the next phase of the struggle. It was a guerrilla operation of hit and run policy. Masterda and all the members of the IRA went underground to carry on with their patriotic deeds.

The story of Pritilata comes in here. She comes from a middle class family having homestead at Dengapara, Patiya. Her father shifted to Dhalghat for family convenience where Preetilata got her primary education. She was a meritorious student. Her father Jagabandhu Waddedar was working in the Chittagong municipality. He rented a house in Askerdighi area of Chittagong and shifted his family from Dhalghat.

Pritilata now was a student of Chittagong's famous Dr Khastagir's Girl's High School. Another renowned revolutionary Kalpana Dutta was also a student of this school. They learnt about the bravery and patriotism of Laxmi Bai, the queen of Jhansi, Begum Hazratmahal, Queen Padmini, Queen Karunavati, Joan of Arc and others from their teachers and from history books and publications. They were also aware of the anti-British colonialism movements and revolutionary activities in the subcontinent, Chittagong being one of the hotbeds. Both the girls drew inspiration from the historical figures like the Queen of Jhansi and wanted to participate in the armed struggle for independence. Till then, they were too young and the Chittagong revolutionary movement was not prepared to accept females in their ranks. The two spirited girls carried on with their studies keeping the desire of joining the movement sooner or later.

Pritilata passed matriculation, intermediate and degree examinations from Dr Khastagir's School, Dhaka Eden College and Calcutta Bethune College respectively with flying colours and returned to Chittagong only after the 1930 Armoury mutiny. All these years she was occupied with the idea of joining the revolutionary party of Masterda. While in Dhaka Eden College, she worked with Deepali Sangha which was an outfit of revolutionary Leela Nag, the first female graduate of Dhaka University and an associate of Netaji Subhash. While in Calcutta Preetilata, Kalpana and another revolutionary young lady of Chittagong origin Bina Das were associated in different degrees with Chattri Sangha, a girl's organisation to spread anti British revolutionary ideas.

Pritilata, while in Calcutta kept liaison with the Chittagong revolutionaries through her cousins Purnendu and Sukhendu Dastidar. Another cousin of hers Ardhendu Dastidar was one of the Martyrs of Jalalabad battle. She expressed her strong desire to join Masterda's group through this channel. But the time was not yet ripe. Instead she was given some responsibilities like carrying ammunition and revolutionary literature, meeting arrested revolutionaries in jail in disguise of their relatives and so on. Thus she had the opportunity to meet Ramkrishna Biswas in Alipore jail several times. Ramkrishna, belonging to the Chittagong revolutionary group, was awaiting execution by hanging for killing British police officers. She learnt many nuances of revolutionary struggle from Ramkrishna.

Finally in early 1932 Pritilata completed her BA degree with distinction from Calcutta University and returned to Chittagong. She took up the responsibility of Head Mistress of Chittagong Aparna Charan Girls' High School. Back in Chittagong, she started pursuing her case of entering the Revolutionary activities more vigorously. The guerrilla struggle phase of the movement was going on. Masterda, his deputies and all comrades were operating from underground. This time, the nod came. Masterda met her in a secret hideout and ushered her into the fold of the group. She became a proud member of Masterda's revolutionary group in June 1932. Their activities went on unabated.

Meanwhile, Masterda chalked out a plan to attack the Pahartali European Club to bring down this symbol of white supremacy. The club is said to have a board having the inscription " Natives and Dogs are prohibited" in those days.The day was fixed to be 23 September 1932. Pritilata was given the charge of a group of 15 young revolutionaries to carry out the attack. The group under the leadership of Pritilata made a lonely house in the Kattali area as their camp. They carried out firing practice in the sea shore near their Kattali camp and carried out a reconnaissance survey of the targeted club which was a few miles away.

On 23rd evening Pritilata selected eight male co-fighters for the attack. They dressed up suitably, carried their weapons and explosives and proceeded towards Pahartali. Preetilata herself was dressed as a Sikh youngman. By 10:30 in the night, they took up positions around the club, unnoticed so far. By 10:45pm a signal came from an associate, who was an employee of the club. The signal meant that it was the right time for the attack. The assembled British officers, all of whom were representing some or the other department of the administration, were tools of colonial exploitation and oppression, hence targets of the revolutionary activists. Pritilata blew her whistle urging her boys to attack. Explosives were hurled into the club premises driving the inmates into a stage of shock. Fire, smoke, explosions and gunfire turned the relaxing mood inside the club into horror. The British occupiers were panicked but understandably recovered after the initial shock. There were police officers and others too with training in guns. They started firing back. A gunfire ensued and there were many casualties amongst the British. Officially though, they have acknowledged one dead and eight injured. On the side of the revolutionaries, only their leader Preetilata was injured by a gunshot, albeit not fatal. All others were unhurt.

Pritilata ordered her boys to retreat after the successful operation. She decided to commit suicide with pottasium cyanide that she was carrying. She anticipated that she will be captured by the enemy since she was injured and can't escape the police chase that will begin. Her comrades would not leave her and wanted to carry her back. She gave strict orders to them to fall back which they had to comply with. She chose a quiet place nearby and consumed the cyanide. The firing from both sides ceased. The British did not venture out of the club premises in the darkness of night for fear of being attacked by hiding revolutionaries. As dawn broke, they found the dead body of a Sikh youngman lying nearby. On close observation, to their utter surprise, they discovered that it was a young lady. She had a suicide note which explained their objectives, a plan of the attack and some photographs. The post mortem report revealed that her bullet injury was minor. Cause of death was cyanide. The news of this attack struck the headlines all over India and beyond.

Pritilata became a beacon of bravery and patriotism amongst Indian women. She is still revered as an idol in Bangladesh and India. She was the Joan of Arc in British India. Her name is remembered by many organisations and still, the young ladies in Bangladesh and India draw inspiration from her brave acts.

We have halls after her name in universities, colleges, and schools both in India and Bangladesh. There are also roads, streets, squares named after her. There even are schools and colleges bearing her name. Her birthplace Dhalghat has raised a Trust in her name which carries out nation building activities throughout the year. A road in her birthplace has been named after her.

Pritilata Waddedar was born on 5 May 1911. We remember her with due respect on this day.

Long live Pritilata!
Long live her ideals!

   

Security measures for an MP and the strength of Diplomatic Passport



Kabir Ahmed, Assistant Editor, Barta24.com
Photo: Collected

Photo: Collected

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Green, blue and red; Bangladesh has these three color passports. Green passport for government employees and general public, blue passport is used for government officials traveling abroad and the other passport is red.

This red colored passport is a diplomatic passport. The President, Prime Minister, Cabinet Members, Members of Parliament and their spouses are eligible for this passport.

High court judges, vice-chancellors of public universities, heads of public service commissions and secretaries of various ministries and officials of Bangladeshi missions abroad get red passports. Red color passport holders get country-to-country on-arrival visa. Another feature is that diplomatic passports are red in color in all countries.

The origin of the issue of passport color is the murder of a Member of Parliament of Bangladesh while visiting neighboring India. Member of Parliament from Jhenaidah-4 Constituency Anwarul Azim Anar went to India for treatment and to attend a wedding ceremony of his friend's daughter. He went to India by road on May 12. He went to the house of a gold trader he knew. It is said that he used to stay in that house whenever he went to Kolkata.

Gopal Biswas, a gold merchant, mentioned in a general diary (GD) at the West Bengal police station that he left the house on May 13 due to medical treatment, and it is said that the last call came on the mobile phone of Anwarul Azim Anar's personal assistant on May 16.

A week after going to India and three days after losing contact, Anwarul Azim Anar's family has informed that he is 'missing' after going to India. Maybe this news went to various media and offices immediately, but this news came to the press on 19 May.

On the same day, Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal while talking to reporters said, "There is nothing to worry about Anwarul Azim Anar" and assured, "Our NSI is working." Indian law enforcement agencies have been informed. There is no reason to worry.

The Minister said, "He (Anowarul Azim) is an old man, a Member of Parliament who knows what to do." He went to India, a neighboring country. It's not like he went to Myanmar, that there were fights. I think he will come back soon.

The Home Minister's speech had a reassuring message. There was a strong belief in the security of neighboring friendly countries. The strong confidence that he expressed about India in the comment that he has not gone to Myanmar, it turned out to be the opposite! After the disappearance, it is now known that Anwarul Azim Anar was murdered while in India and after the murder incident, the Home Minister said that it was Bangladeshis who killed MP Anar in India. He claimed that no Indian was involved in this incident.

No one in India may be involved in this murder, but when the crime scene is there, can one really avoid responsibility!

First came the news that the body of Member of Parliament Anwarul Azim Anar was recovered from a building in West Bengal. It was later learned that his body was not found. The search for the body is underway. In the meantime, at least five people have been arrested in the country and abroad.

Home Minister said that Anwarul Azim Anar was killed by Bangladeshis and not by Indians. The matter is under investigation. However, the language of the Home Minister, it seems that the investigation is over! However, after the news of his disappearance, the Home Minister said with confidence, "He is an old man, a Member of Parliament who knows what to do." I think you will come.' The fact is, he is unlikely to return as of now. The Minister also says that he was killed.

The past of MP Anwarul Azim Anar is gradually coming out in the media. It is known that he was under the warrant of the international police organization Interpol. Interpol had issued a red notice against him for racketeering and smuggling. By joining the Awami League, he was able to withdraw the notice as an MP.

Various sources say that he started in that area during the dictator Hussain Muhammad Ershad, developed during the BNP period and became a public representative during the Awami League period. He got 'immunity' from everywhere. Now, forgetting the past, we are busy mourning. Although the expression of human grief is not a fault, yet the true crime is never forgotten.

The death of MP Anwarul Azim Anar is unexpected. The murder of a parliament member of Bangladesh in a friendly neighboring country is alarming lthough this was not his official visit. He went to India alone. Attending medical, business or social events, for whatever reason the visit is personal, but his contact here is a Member of Parliament of Bangladesh. He uses the country's red passport. The color of diplomatic passports of every country in the world is red. As such, his foreign visit should not be unknown to anyone in the two countries.

Several ministers do not want to take the neighboring country into consideration regarding the murder of a Member of Parliament of Bangladesh in India. BNP General Secretary gave a punch, about 'Friendship of Bandhurashtra'. There is politics and love and hatred for India in trying to hide India, trying to bring it forward, but they have no responsibility here, but the time has not come to say it yet. This effort to further impeach and exonerate them is unnecessary. It is a matter of state-level communications, relations and investigations.

Our historical relationship with Indi from the Liberation War of Bangladesh to the recent progress of Bangladesh, the country's support and participation has been everywhere. Accepting this fact, the question can be raised; citizens die at the border why will the MP of Bangladesh die by shooting and crossing the border? There is no responsibility for that country! When he crossed the border and entered India, India came to know from his passport that a Member of Parliament had entered the country. These are very normal processes. When a foreign VIP enters Bangladesh, don't various organizations and authorities become active even though they are hidden! Various aspects including surveillance, security are relevant here. The importance of diplomatic passport is here!

According to the source of primary information, the Home Minister says that the victim of murder in Kolkata by Bangladeshis is the Member of Parliament Anwarul Azim Anar. This comment does not affect the investigation process before the start of the official investigation! Even if it is proved in the final investigation, the question can be asked, will the country's various forces and organizations not feel it when Bangladeshis go to a foreign country and make such a big incident? They are not really responsible here!

The body of Bangladesh parliamentarian Anwarul Azim Anar, who holds a diplomatic passport, has not been recovered so far. But first it was known about the recovery of the body. A group of assailants from Bangladesh killed in an elite area of the country, the bodies were removed, the suspects were arrested before the murders were confirmed, the neighboring friendly countries started discussing 'to blame or not to blame' - so many things happened, in the fastest time. They are mysterious!

Besides solving the mystery of the murder, it is also important to solve the mystery of so many events that happened as soon as possible.

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Who are the proud owners of poor-looking vehicles?



Professor Dr. Md. Fakhrul Islam
Photo: Barta24.com

Photo: Barta24.com

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There are different types of vehicles running on the same roads in our capital and across the country, but their owners are mainly of two classes. Rich and poor owner. Poor owners sometimes just own an old car. Their vehicles may be a bus or microbus, a CNG, one or several auto rickshaws. They either rent it out or earn a living by running it themselves. When the news broke last year that old cars would be removed from the roads, many of them thought that the only source of income was a vehicle. If you don't let it run on the road, you and your family will starve to death.

Private owners of these old vehicles are never invited to any policy-making meetings, they have no organization. On the other hand, rich owners of old vehicles have many vehicles, own transport company, manpower, association, network. They buy new vehicles and give them long distance and drive old ones in Dhaka and Chattogram. They were invited to the government's policy-making meetings and gave their opinions.

In a meeting addressed to these bus owners, the Minister of Road Transport and Bridges said, "Though there are many developments in the capital city of Dhaka, the bus traffic has not stopped." For this, 12 years have to be heard from the position of minister. Don't you feel ashamed?... He asked me, the minister has been in this condition for so many years? These buses move in front of the eyes. Why couldn't this bus stop? It's a real shame. Don't you feel ashamed?' The question is - Is the poor appearance of only the buses on the road? Poor looking organisms without inanimate matter should be thought of first. If the poor appearance of the creatures ceases to be seen, the poor appearance of their vehicles may no longer be seen.

Beggars, vagabonds, needy people who tap on the closed window of the royal bus in pursuit of hunger on the street and demand a taka, their appearance is also quite dirty and poor. What is their total number? They must have been transported by the mafia's black-tinted undercover vehicles or rickshaws, or poor-looking buses. These facts are not unknown to policy makers.

Beautiful It is completely incompatible to see cars and buses running on the streets of beautiful Dhaka next to modern cars with bright colors, spewing black smoke. None of these cars are more than forty-three years old. No one seems to be able to give any statistics of how many more old buses are plying on the roads and around the country than this. Who are the proud owners of these vehicles?

Last year, there was news that a class of owners were starving to death when there was talk of dumping old cars. Now thinking about scraping the very old vehicles. So what will happen to them this time? Scrapping of very old vehicles is common in all developed countries. There is no need to drag old vehicles.

If the vehicle passes the age limit prescribed by the government, its license is not renewed. In developed countries license renewal is done through automatic machines. If any new bus fails in this, it is not allowed to ply on the road. He was forced to wreck the vehicle. Interestingly, in the developed world, if you want to dump and scrap cars that fail to get fitness, you have to pay a certain fee and bring them to the government dump. When the scrap yards are full, the government people scrap the scrapped cars and send them to metal factories. There is no rule of recycling berth vehicles to get fitness through automated machines. They cannot drive those old cars in their own country due to strict environment awareness laws. Japan and some countries export cars that are five years old but in working condition.

In our country, illegally imported, anonymous, unfit, accident-prone vehicles are seized and dumped near the police station. Many police stations are left lined up on the streets due to lack of space. Many times the owners do not come to take back the vehicles due to the fear of bribery. From there, the rusted parts of these cars are stolen and sold in Dholai khal.

Because, the owners of these vehicles and some people responsible for their supervision in the office and on the road are very poor. Their beauty and looks are not poor. So who listens to whom? Unfit, accident-ridden cars are secretly allowed back on the road without being scrapped. 43-year-old Lakkar-Jhakkar buses, trucks, microbuses, rickshaws, rickshaws, vans, horse-carts are seen plying on the same streets of the capital along with luxury cars such as Rolls-Royce, Mercedes, Pagani, BMW, Tesla, Toyota, Ferrari etc. Monster motorbikes screech through the cracks, honking their horns and hurrying to pass pedestrians.

by doing this is the tradition of our way!

No motivation for this has been worked out till date. In the rural areas of the country even on the highway Nasimon, Karimon, Pankhiraj, Alom Sadhu called auto rickshaws, Bhotbhoti, Chander's car, how many more! Modern motorbikes have introduced the art of keeping pace with other vehicles on new roads loudly. Even though CC cameras have been installed to curb these incidents, efficient and honest manpower has not been created so far. There is a gap between the word of mouth and the actual situation of the country. Apart from these poverty-looking cars, many bureaucrats and political leaders also own many luxury cars. For this, the owners behind must be identified.

Thank you very much to our Communications Minister for being so understanding after so long that we have to do the subway. However, if a major project like subway is taken in flood-prone Dhaka without a thorough environmental and social impact analysis, it is difficult to get any benefit from the subway. The connectivity of the proposed underground route with the upper conventional route should be given more importance. In this, people can come to Dhaka every day from the nearby district cities and return home in 30-40 minutes. Then if our people can work in Dhaka by daily passenger from Mymensingh, Tangail, Manikganj, Munshiganj like Saitama, Chiba, Tochigi etc. nearby districts of Japan, the pressure of people and settlements on Dhaka will be reduced and the old vehicles that look like symbol of poverty can disappear already.

* Author: Professor of Social Work Department of Rajshahi University and former Dean of Faculty of Social Sciences

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The need for the Farakka Long March has not ended even today



Professor Dr. Md. Fakhrul Islam, Barta24.com, Dhaka
Photo: Barta24.com

Photo: Barta24.com

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May 16, 1976. A well-known day in the political arena of Bangladesh. Almost 49 years ago today, the day of the long march towards Farakka gets more attention every year when the month of May comes around. As the hostile heat wave continues across the country this year, every living being has started feeling hatred.

The urban affluent tries to find some comfort in the air-conditioned enclosure. But urban toilers and low-income people in rural areas across the country have suffered more this year. Added to this is the scarcity of irrigation water in the arable land of the farmers. Those who are deprived of Uniform River water facilities in riverine Bangladesh Mawlana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani started the movement for their welfare.

Mawlana Bhasani was not a statesman. He was the voice of the working people, an oppressed public leader. It was under his leadership that the historic march known as the 'Farakka Long March' was organized to demand the rights of people deprived of the water facilities of the Padma River.

The people of Bangladesh have been victims of India's water invasion since ages. India continues to build dams on the international river Ganges causing severe damage to the people of the two upstream countries. But because of this, Bangladesh, the country of downstream, is facing more threats.

Mawlana Bhasani has been vocal in his opposition to the construction of the dam at Farakka since its inception. In 1952, when India began to implement the plan to build a bank in Farakka, the then Pakistan government protested. India then said it was in the exploratory phase. In 1960, India and Pakistan met on this issue. However, in 1961-62, India secretly started construction of the dam. The country supporting this work was Soviet Union and the cost is estimated at one billion dollars. The 2,240 meter long Farakka Barrage, connecting Maldah and Murshidabad districts of India and West Bengal, was completed in 1970 without the digging of feeder canals and awaiting commissioning.

After the independence of Bangladesh, India completed the construction of the Farakka Link Canal quickly. In 1974, Farakka Barrage was announced as an experimental project. After that, the Farakka Barrage was launched experimentally for 41 days from 21 April. Which is no longer closed, today almost 48 years later, it remains experimentally operational.

Mawlana Bhasani raised public opinion against the unilateral withdrawal of water from the Padma since the Farakka Barrage was commissioned.

His movement was to prevent adverse effects on Bangladesh's agriculture, biodiversity and environment. When India opens all the gates every year without being able to block the excess water of the monsoon through the Farakka Barrage, the lifeline of Bangladesh Padma River in the monsoons, floods and bursts occur. Mawlana Bhasani was moved by the plight of the poor people who had lost their livelihood due to the parched river, even though the gates had been closed during the drought.

In this situation, on April 18, 1976, Maulana Bhasani wrote a letter to the then Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi. He described the adverse reaction of Farakka and informed about the 'Farrakka Long March' program. Indira Gandhi, in response to that letter, said, "It is hard to think that someone who stood shoulder-to-shoulder with us against colonial rule and later saw with equal sympathy the pain of Bangladesh's liberation war and sacrifice, has misunderstood us so much and even questioned our sincerity." (BBC Bangla News May 17, 2015).

Mawlana Bhasani's reply to this was, “Your letter of May 4 is a repetition of the official commentary on Farakka. There was no such expectation from the daughter of illustrious ancestor Motilal Nehru and daughter of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru.”... “I request you to visit the northern districts of Bangladesh to see the reflection of the real picture... The problem needs a comprehensive solution. It should be based on proper distribution of flow throughout the year and not just limited to two months of the season.”

Even if time passes like this, the real problem remains hidden. The response of which is reflected in the implementation of the Long March program in the direction of Farakka on 16 May 1976. This long march gave birth to an important event in Mawlana Bhasani's long struggling life.

The route of this long march program was to start a long march from Madrasa Maidan in Rajshahi, a divisional city of Padma bank, at 10 am on May 16, passing through Premtoli, crossing Chapainawabganj, crossing Kansat border and ending at Farakka Barrage area point in Murshidabad district of India. He started this journey by addressing a large public meeting at Madrasa Maidan in Rajshahi.

At that time, the 90-year-old veteran leader Maulana Bhasani was very ill. Yet he stood in front of the microphone with two men on his shoulders and delivered a thunderous speech. It was considered a surprising event by the participants of the Long March.

Mawlana Bhasani's statement was, "Just as a child has a right to mother's milk, you have a right to water." Wake up, stand up against the usurpation of your nature-given rights.” He termed the interference with this natural right of man as extremely unjust and oppressive and "raised his hand to the sky and said, Allah will surely guide us to salvation."

Accepting many hardships in his old age, he started this long march with millions of people. Along with the long marchers, he announced to go to Farakka Point inside India, but before crossing the border, he did not follow the advice of the government. He reached the Kansat land port bordering India and announced the end of the long march.

Almost twenty years after this, in 1996, the thirty-year Ganga Water sharing Agreement without any guarantee clause was concluded between the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, and the then Prime Minister of India, HD Deve Gowda which is still in force. Even after 27 years of the Ganges Treaty, there are many debates about what Bangladesh got. On the one hand, the life of Farakka Barrage has passed 50 years. On the other hand, the Ganges Agreement with Bangladesh is about to expire. It is not yet known how the contract will be renewed.

As the expired Farakka Barrage has emerged as a cause of loss for both countries upstream, there is speculation among concerned experts whether it will be demolished or not. Due to Farakka, water logging, landslides, floods, river bursts etc. in its upstream India are seen in the news headlines. Residents of Farakka spend their days in fear of any major disaster.

On the other hand, the people of 16 districts of the northern part of Bangladesh are suffering directly due to the lack of sufficient water in the agreement reached as a result of the unilateral withdrawal of water in Farakka. Padma river in Bangladesh has premature floods in monsoon, but Padma dries up before winter. The Padma, which was once a paradise, where large steamers used to travel between Dhaka and Kolkata, has now become a burden for boating.

With the closure of waterways due to lack of water, there has been a famine of all common fish including hilsa fish in Padma. In addition, fishermen, midshipmen, and naval workers have become unemployed due to the closure of river-based occupations. The branches and tributaries of the Padma have dried up and died. The verse of the famous poet Rabindranath Tagore's poem 'Paar hoye jai garu para hai garhi' - has now become an extreme truth for the Padma and its tributaries.

As a result of the adverse effects of the Farakka Barrage, the overall damage in Bangladesh is very high, which is often seen in the national and foreign media headlines from research reports presented in various seminars and conferences. Many researchers have obtained PhD degrees on the Farakka issue and have given various recommendations, but the Indian authorities ignore them. They are never bothered by the results of the research.

Even hundreds of meetings-seniors on the issue of Teesta river water distribution are still pending even after the agreement was reached. For ages, the deprived people of Bangladesh have been lamenting India's lack of sincerity in sharing the water of international rivers and being a bastion country for the food alone policy. Even as a result of Bangladesh's considerable efforts, Bangladesh is showing an extreme failure politically on the average of various geopolitical calculations.

Lack of sincerity, broken promises, vacillation on agreements and frequent cheating have left Bangladesh largely helpless to deal with its water problems through internal efforts. However, observing the current reality of river water sharing, one cannot deny that the need for the Farakka Long March is now over. Rather, Mawlana Bhasani's thunderous speech of Farakka Longmarch has not lost its strength even today.

Even today, the path of Bangladesh, the strong conviction to move forward, has not been lost. Despite being deprived of many tricks and deceptions, with the foresight, prayers and inspiration of morally strong elders like Mawlana Bhasani, our dear motherland Bangladesh will move forward far ahead in the near future.

Author: Professor of Department of Social Work and former Dean of Faculty of Social Sciences, Rajshahi University.

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People shall have to be returned to vote



Kabir Ahmed, Assistant Editor, Barta24.com
Photo: barta24.com

Photo: barta24.com

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Polling for the first phase of the Sixth Upazila Parishad elections has ended. Barring a few isolated incidents, the election was fairly peaceful. There were fake votes in the election, the influence of many in the ruling party was true, but there were no major untoward incidents in the polls. In this case, the Election Commission has reason to be satisfied. But the main cause of embarrassment is voter turnout. Despite many discussions, voters did not turn up as expected in this election.

Election Commissioner said on Thursday the next day of the polling. MD. Alamgir told reporters at the election building that 36.1 percent votes were cast in the first phase of the election. Electronic voting machine (EVM) voting was done in 22 upazilas and remaining 117 upazilas were done by ballot paper. The voting rate in EVM is 31.31 percent and 37.22 percent in ballot. Sonatala, Mirsarai and Kushtia Sadar upazilas got the least number of votes. Only 17 percent polled in those places. Khetlal upazila of Joypurhat district received the highest number of votes. 73.1 percent of the votes were cast there.

The highest voting area is in Khetlal Upazila of Joypurhat with a total of 95 thousand 191 voters. Out of this 64 thousand 730 voters exercise their right to vote. Municipal Awami League president Dulal Mia Sardar got 30 thousand 390 votes there. His closest rival Awami League leader Taiful Islam Talukder got 22 thousand 901 votes.

Among the low polling areas, Bogura’s Sonatala had 1 lakh 64 thousand 332 voters. Among them, 28 thousand 278 people voted. There, Upazila Awami League president Minhaduzzaman Liton won the chairmanship again by getting 20 thousand 483 votes. His closest rival Zakir Hossain got 7 thousand 345 votes. Minhaduzzaman Liton is the younger brother of Member of Parliament Sahadara Mannan. Not only had the brother of this Awami League MP won the election, his son Sakhawat Hossain Sajal won in another upazila of Sariakandi in the district.

Kushtia Sadar is another upazila with less votes. Here only 73 thousand 299 voters voted out of 4 lakh 20 thousand 833 voters. Kushtia Sadar Constituency Member of Parliament and Awami League Joint General Secretary Mahbub-ul Alam Hanif's cousin Ataur Rahman Ata was elected by getting 67 thousand 481 votes. His only rival Abu Ahad Al Mamun got 3 thousand 564 votes.

According to the data provided by the Election Commission (EC), another upazila with less votes is Mirsarai in Chattogram. In that upazila there are 3 lakh 72 thousand 257 voters, Enayet Hossain Nayan was elected as chairman by getting 33 thousand 70 votes. His nearest rival Sheikh Mohammad Ataur Rahman got 20 thousand 767 votes.

According to the Election Commission, the low turnout was due to the paddy harvesting season, rains, lack of popular candidates, people going home due to holidays in urban areas, and non-participation of major political parties. Although these are reasons, it is not enough to say that it is just an excuse. Is the Election Commission's explanation for the low vote count the real reason? Man has no control over rice harvesting season, rain and storm, but the rest depends on man. The way the EC is trying to posit storm as a reason is not at all in the main cause, because there was no mention of storm on Election Day. Even during the rice harvesting season, people voted earlier, election day is always a holiday, and people don't usually go to the village on this one-day holiday, especially the next day when there is no other holiday.

EC wants to say that there was a lack of popular candidates in the elections. How to accept it? Although the election was not held on the party symbol, the leaders of the ruling party participated in the election, and the current chairmen also participated. According to the EC, in the three upazilas which received the least number of votes, in at least two of the three upazilas, the close relatives of the two members of parliament of the ruling Awami League party have won. So does the EC want to say that the political parties are boycotting the election because their leaders are basically candidates to attract voters to the center?

EC says that one of the reasons for the lack of voters in the elections is the non-participation of the BNP. It is such an unpleasant fact that there is no way to deny it. Yes, it is not that all or most of the BNP leaders would have won if they contested the elections, but the impact of their boycotting the elections is far reaching. As BNP did not participate in the elections, none of the like-minded members of the party participated. Even none of the political parties that participated with Awami League in the 12th National Assembly elections did not participate in the elections.

Awami League did not give the party symbol in the elections to avoid making the conflict between the parties public; But where is the Jatiya Party, where are the 14-partner parties, where is the 'King's Party' that suddenly flourished in the past and participated in the parliamentary elections? Although the Jatiya Party is recognized as the main opposition party in the Jatiya Sangsad, it is easy to imagine that this party does not exist at the marginal level, if we look at the history of their participation in the local government elections. The party surviving at the mercy of the government has been proven repeatedly in the crisis of leaders and workers. The first phase of the recently concluded Upazila Parishad elections proved that once again.

In the first phase of upazila parishad elections, most of the candidates are from Awami League. Local government election but there is no voter turnout in the election. The voting rate this time is less than the voting rate of the last parliamentary elections. Does this not prove that Awami League activists and candidates are failing to attract voters? Is this failure but an abstract expression of distrust?

No matter how many excuses the Election Commission makes about rough weather including paddy harvesting season, storms, the actual vote from the announcement of the election schedule to the election day. The wind was blowing across the specific 139 upazilas? The reality is that it never seemed like the vote had come. It is important to find out why this apathy of people towards voting is taking a terrible form.

There is no reason to think that all those who did not go to vote are supporters of BNP. So many Awami League leaders and activists in the country, have they gone to vote? Voter turnout shows that they too have lost interest in elections. People did not go to vote mainly because of an idea or belief that 'what will happen by voting'.

Have spoken to many personally, and most have the same opinion. It is a threat to the continuity of the democratic process. As people are becoming apathetic to vote day by day, if the 'assassins of darkness' ever get closer to the center of power, the road to liberation from here will continue to get longer and longer. Elections were once one of our festivals. Discussions and criticisms about votes and candidates were everywhere, but now those days are largely gone.

People who are not voting should be returned to vote, they should be given a chance, and a field of equal status and equal opportunities should be built. The right to vote, the democratic right. This sense needs awakening. An environment of communication and trust is needed between the center and the periphery. If the atmosphere of trust does not return, people will continue to deviate from voting and democratic rights!

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