Chhatra League is responsible for creating a 'level playing field' in Buet



Kabir Ahmed, Assistant Editor, Barta24.com
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The Chhatra League of independence movement and democratic movement - this identity is not embodied now. The current identity is only Bangladesh Chhatra League, the fraternal organization of the ruling Awami League. As the name of the ruler is connected with the identity, there are many unfair acts including misuse of power, usurpation and trade. Now therefore the name is uttered with as much reverence as with fear. Such is the reality.

Every campus in the country is occupied by Chhatra League. They themselves are again divided among themselves. The only exception was Buet. In Engineering University, Chhatra League is viewed with hatred like a student camp. Chhatra League is banned there. The cause is not unknown. The atrocities of the recent past in the Chhatra League have led them to this place. In 2019, after the brutal killing of a student named Abrar Fahad in the campus, the organization came to be known as an organization of fear among the students. Although there has been a case and trial in the case of murder, the wound has not healed.

After the murder of Abrar Fahad, there was a student protest. It has spread across the country. The BUET authorities then decided to ban student politics on the campus in a very emotional decision. The decision of the Buet administration is more emotional than logical, it can be said to be over-emotional. Student politics is not banned in most campuses of the country, but it is banned in Buet. Through this, the ego of the University authorities has been revealed as well as arbitrariness. Where the Buet administration was supposed to express calmness on the matter, it also became over-emotional. Because of this, students have been disgusted with student politics for more than four years. The idea that the purpose of politics is public welfare has drifted away from them. 'Hate politics' has taken root among students. Young students, who are preparing to concentrate on building the country after completing education, come to see an environment where politics is viewed with hatred. However, in their working life, they will again be engaged in 'public welfare' managed through that politician. There will be recruitment, but it is very difficult to find applications.

In the last four years, the students of Buet related to politics were looking at them in such a way that they are forbidden objects! This year's movement or various programs started mainly at night when some people, including the central president of the Chhatra League, Saddam Hossain, entered the Buet. Although the Saddams said they took refuge there for a time because of the rain, there was no political agenda. However, the agitators are not willing to accept this statement of the Chhatra League president. No one from Chhatra League will be able to take shelter anywhere in the hostile nature of Buet campus - such an outpouring of hatred; It can be thought! However, even if the Chhatra League president had lied even though it was a political program, the students should have accepted it as their own victory and not raised the issue. But they didn't do that. Bursting with over-reaction or excessive hatred, they demanded the cancellation of the seat of Buet student Imtiaz Hossain Rabbi and his expulsion. Surprisingly, the Buet administration also canceled Imtiaz Rabbi's seat.

These over-reacted, juvenile decisions have backfired. Imtiaz Rabbi challenged the decision to ban student politics in the High Court and won. The High Court stayed the Buet-administration's decision to ban politics. Now, like other campuses in the country, student politics can be done in Buet. Although the protesting students said - they will fight the legal battle. But it is difficult for them to win the legal battle here, as two policies in one country are unlikely to be accepted by the country's highest courts.

Buet students are against formal student politics. But informally there are several organizations active there. All of them are responsive. From Jamaat-Shibir to the banned Hizb ut-Tahrir, it has been reported by various media that Buet is active in the campus.

In this movement, there is a big voice saying 'I don't want student politics in Buet'. But those who are behind it are they really out of politics. It is said that this movement is fueled by the student camp-Hizbut Tahrir; But so far it is not visible that any investigation is going on to find it out. However, Education Minister Mahibul Hasan Chowdhury Naufel said on March 30, 'Many people had complained some days ago that some militant groups were secretly conducting (Buet) activities there. We will investigate the matter in depth. But his call to all parties, the environment of education should not be destroyed in any way. And at the individual level, if someone has such a mentality that it seems to be like condoning the activities of fundamentalist or militant groups, it must be stopped and resisted. Law enforcement agencies who are there, who are investigating, will also deal with them. That applies not only to one organization but to all organizations.' When the minister said it is hopeful that it will be investigated, and if any militant group is active in Buet, it will be rooted out.

Over the past few days, we have seen that a large section of Buet students have taken a stand against student politics. They can take it. They have the right to decide to stay away from student politics. But they should not make an arbitrary claim that no one can do student politics in Buet. Some of the students will do politics if they want, if they don't they won't - that's how it should be. It can be assumed that they are in the middle of Chhatra League. Especially since the murder of Buet-student Abrar Fahad in 2019 a trauma has become deep rooted. Many people are unable to get out of there.

This trauma or pressure didn't come just like that. The incident of a student being tortured to death in his own University, the past achievements of the fraternal organization of the ruling party Awami League are turning many students away from politics. The tradition of Chhatra League, the previous role of Chhatra League in the country's independent and democratic struggle, remains unknown to many students of this generation. The gray present hides the past of tradition. It will take time to get out of it; let's But such an aversion to open politics is in no way dignified.

We want politics everywhere because if there is systematic politics in the true sense, the importance of people increases to the ruling party, to the opposition party, to all political parties, to the administration. Without overt politics, the importance of people gradually diminishes. It applies to all fields of education or mass politics. No one should be in favor of blocking the path of student politics here.

Awami League has been in power for a long time. No student organization can survive in Buet because of the Chhatra League, a fraternal organization of the ruling class—other student organizations should not back down or oppose the introduction of student politics for fear of this. They have to proceed with their own power. It is important to remember that if there is no student body, the 'assassins of darkness' will be stronger in Buet. So the field cannot be left empty. Chhatra League should also create a level playing field for other student organizations, especially left-wing organizations, to overcome their negative image in Buet. Not only to make their demands in the press conference, but also to call various student organizations for dialogue or discussion in order to build widespread public opinion in favor of systematic student politics. It never will or can be done, not because it has never been done before; At least take initiative no matter what. Whatever the outcome of this initiative, it can at least help restore their image.

After the order of the High Court, it can be assumed that student politics is returning to Buet. After this order of the High Court, if the Chhatra League does not find a way out of the gray present and thinks they are victorious, then there is nothing to gain. Rather, there is a dark cloud of fear. Let the clouds pass; Return light!

   

The need for the Farakka Long March has not ended even today



Professor Dr. Md. Fakhrul Islam, Barta24.com, Dhaka
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May 16, 1976. A well-known day in the political arena of Bangladesh. Almost 49 years ago today, the day of the long march towards Farakka gets more attention every year when the month of May comes around. As the hostile heat wave continues across the country this year, every living being has started feeling hatred.

The urban affluent tries to find some comfort in the air-conditioned enclosure. But urban toilers and low-income people in rural areas across the country have suffered more this year. Added to this is the scarcity of irrigation water in the arable land of the farmers. Those who are deprived of Uniform River water facilities in riverine Bangladesh Mawlana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani started the movement for their welfare.

Mawlana Bhasani was not a statesman. He was the voice of the working people, an oppressed public leader. It was under his leadership that the historic march known as the 'Farakka Long March' was organized to demand the rights of people deprived of the water facilities of the Padma River.

The people of Bangladesh have been victims of India's water invasion since ages. India continues to build dams on the international river Ganges causing severe damage to the people of the two upstream countries. But because of this, Bangladesh, the country of downstream, is facing more threats.

Mawlana Bhasani has been vocal in his opposition to the construction of the dam at Farakka since its inception. In 1952, when India began to implement the plan to build a bank in Farakka, the then Pakistan government protested. India then said it was in the exploratory phase. In 1960, India and Pakistan met on this issue. However, in 1961-62, India secretly started construction of the dam. The country supporting this work was Soviet Union and the cost is estimated at one billion dollars. The 2,240 meter long Farakka Barrage, connecting Maldah and Murshidabad districts of India and West Bengal, was completed in 1970 without the digging of feeder canals and awaiting commissioning.

After the independence of Bangladesh, India completed the construction of the Farakka Link Canal quickly. In 1974, Farakka Barrage was announced as an experimental project. After that, the Farakka Barrage was launched experimentally for 41 days from 21 April. Which is no longer closed, today almost 48 years later, it remains experimentally operational.

Mawlana Bhasani raised public opinion against the unilateral withdrawal of water from the Padma since the Farakka Barrage was commissioned.

His movement was to prevent adverse effects on Bangladesh's agriculture, biodiversity and environment. When India opens all the gates every year without being able to block the excess water of the monsoon through the Farakka Barrage, the lifeline of Bangladesh Padma River in the monsoons, floods and bursts occur. Mawlana Bhasani was moved by the plight of the poor people who had lost their livelihood due to the parched river, even though the gates had been closed during the drought.

In this situation, on April 18, 1976, Maulana Bhasani wrote a letter to the then Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi. He described the adverse reaction of Farakka and informed about the 'Farrakka Long March' program. Indira Gandhi, in response to that letter, said, "It is hard to think that someone who stood shoulder-to-shoulder with us against colonial rule and later saw with equal sympathy the pain of Bangladesh's liberation war and sacrifice, has misunderstood us so much and even questioned our sincerity." (BBC Bangla News May 17, 2015).

Mawlana Bhasani's reply to this was, “Your letter of May 4 is a repetition of the official commentary on Farakka. There was no such expectation from the daughter of illustrious ancestor Motilal Nehru and daughter of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru.”... “I request you to visit the northern districts of Bangladesh to see the reflection of the real picture... The problem needs a comprehensive solution. It should be based on proper distribution of flow throughout the year and not just limited to two months of the season.”

Even if time passes like this, the real problem remains hidden. The response of which is reflected in the implementation of the Long March program in the direction of Farakka on 16 May 1976. This long march gave birth to an important event in Mawlana Bhasani's long struggling life.

The route of this long march program was to start a long march from Madrasa Maidan in Rajshahi, a divisional city of Padma bank, at 10 am on May 16, passing through Premtoli, crossing Chapainawabganj, crossing Kansat border and ending at Farakka Barrage area point in Murshidabad district of India. He started this journey by addressing a large public meeting at Madrasa Maidan in Rajshahi.

At that time, the 90-year-old veteran leader Maulana Bhasani was very ill. Yet he stood in front of the microphone with two men on his shoulders and delivered a thunderous speech. It was considered a surprising event by the participants of the Long March.

Mawlana Bhasani's statement was, "Just as a child has a right to mother's milk, you have a right to water." Wake up, stand up against the usurpation of your nature-given rights.” He termed the interference with this natural right of man as extremely unjust and oppressive and "raised his hand to the sky and said, Allah will surely guide us to salvation."

Accepting many hardships in his old age, he started this long march with millions of people. Along with the long marchers, he announced to go to Farakka Point inside India, but before crossing the border, he did not follow the advice of the government. He reached the Kansat land port bordering India and announced the end of the long march.

Almost twenty years after this, in 1996, the thirty-year Ganga Water sharing Agreement without any guarantee clause was concluded between the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, and the then Prime Minister of India, HD Deve Gowda which is still in force. Even after 27 years of the Ganges Treaty, there are many debates about what Bangladesh got. On the one hand, the life of Farakka Barrage has passed 50 years. On the other hand, the Ganges Agreement with Bangladesh is about to expire. It is not yet known how the contract will be renewed.

As the expired Farakka Barrage has emerged as a cause of loss for both countries upstream, there is speculation among concerned experts whether it will be demolished or not. Due to Farakka, water logging, landslides, floods, river bursts etc. in its upstream India are seen in the news headlines. Residents of Farakka spend their days in fear of any major disaster.

On the other hand, the people of 16 districts of the northern part of Bangladesh are suffering directly due to the lack of sufficient water in the agreement reached as a result of the unilateral withdrawal of water in Farakka. Padma river in Bangladesh has premature floods in monsoon, but Padma dries up before winter. The Padma, which was once a paradise, where large steamers used to travel between Dhaka and Kolkata, has now become a burden for boating.

With the closure of waterways due to lack of water, there has been a famine of all common fish including hilsa fish in Padma. In addition, fishermen, midshipmen, and naval workers have become unemployed due to the closure of river-based occupations. The branches and tributaries of the Padma have dried up and died. The verse of the famous poet Rabindranath Tagore's poem 'Paar hoye jai garu para hai garhi' - has now become an extreme truth for the Padma and its tributaries.

As a result of the adverse effects of the Farakka Barrage, the overall damage in Bangladesh is very high, which is often seen in the national and foreign media headlines from research reports presented in various seminars and conferences. Many researchers have obtained PhD degrees on the Farakka issue and have given various recommendations, but the Indian authorities ignore them. They are never bothered by the results of the research.

Even hundreds of meetings-seniors on the issue of Teesta river water distribution are still pending even after the agreement was reached. For ages, the deprived people of Bangladesh have been lamenting India's lack of sincerity in sharing the water of international rivers and being a bastion country for the food alone policy. Even as a result of Bangladesh's considerable efforts, Bangladesh is showing an extreme failure politically on the average of various geopolitical calculations.

Lack of sincerity, broken promises, vacillation on agreements and frequent cheating have left Bangladesh largely helpless to deal with its water problems through internal efforts. However, observing the current reality of river water sharing, one cannot deny that the need for the Farakka Long March is now over. Rather, Mawlana Bhasani's thunderous speech of Farakka Longmarch has not lost its strength even today.

Even today, the path of Bangladesh, the strong conviction to move forward, has not been lost. Despite being deprived of many tricks and deceptions, with the foresight, prayers and inspiration of morally strong elders like Mawlana Bhasani, our dear motherland Bangladesh will move forward far ahead in the near future.

Author: Professor of Department of Social Work and former Dean of Faculty of Social Sciences, Rajshahi University.

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People shall have to be returned to vote



Kabir Ahmed, Assistant Editor, Barta24.com
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Polling for the first phase of the Sixth Upazila Parishad elections has ended. Barring a few isolated incidents, the election was fairly peaceful. There were fake votes in the election, the influence of many in the ruling party was true, but there were no major untoward incidents in the polls. In this case, the Election Commission has reason to be satisfied. But the main cause of embarrassment is voter turnout. Despite many discussions, voters did not turn up as expected in this election.

Election Commissioner said on Thursday the next day of the polling. MD. Alamgir told reporters at the election building that 36.1 percent votes were cast in the first phase of the election. Electronic voting machine (EVM) voting was done in 22 upazilas and remaining 117 upazilas were done by ballot paper. The voting rate in EVM is 31.31 percent and 37.22 percent in ballot. Sonatala, Mirsarai and Kushtia Sadar upazilas got the least number of votes. Only 17 percent polled in those places. Khetlal upazila of Joypurhat district received the highest number of votes. 73.1 percent of the votes were cast there.

The highest voting area is in Khetlal Upazila of Joypurhat with a total of 95 thousand 191 voters. Out of this 64 thousand 730 voters exercise their right to vote. Municipal Awami League president Dulal Mia Sardar got 30 thousand 390 votes there. His closest rival Awami League leader Taiful Islam Talukder got 22 thousand 901 votes.

Among the low polling areas, Bogura’s Sonatala had 1 lakh 64 thousand 332 voters. Among them, 28 thousand 278 people voted. There, Upazila Awami League president Minhaduzzaman Liton won the chairmanship again by getting 20 thousand 483 votes. His closest rival Zakir Hossain got 7 thousand 345 votes. Minhaduzzaman Liton is the younger brother of Member of Parliament Sahadara Mannan. Not only had the brother of this Awami League MP won the election, his son Sakhawat Hossain Sajal won in another upazila of Sariakandi in the district.

Kushtia Sadar is another upazila with less votes. Here only 73 thousand 299 voters voted out of 4 lakh 20 thousand 833 voters. Kushtia Sadar Constituency Member of Parliament and Awami League Joint General Secretary Mahbub-ul Alam Hanif's cousin Ataur Rahman Ata was elected by getting 67 thousand 481 votes. His only rival Abu Ahad Al Mamun got 3 thousand 564 votes.

According to the data provided by the Election Commission (EC), another upazila with less votes is Mirsarai in Chattogram. In that upazila there are 3 lakh 72 thousand 257 voters, Enayet Hossain Nayan was elected as chairman by getting 33 thousand 70 votes. His nearest rival Sheikh Mohammad Ataur Rahman got 20 thousand 767 votes.

According to the Election Commission, the low turnout was due to the paddy harvesting season, rains, lack of popular candidates, people going home due to holidays in urban areas, and non-participation of major political parties. Although these are reasons, it is not enough to say that it is just an excuse. Is the Election Commission's explanation for the low vote count the real reason? Man has no control over rice harvesting season, rain and storm, but the rest depends on man. The way the EC is trying to posit storm as a reason is not at all in the main cause, because there was no mention of storm on Election Day. Even during the rice harvesting season, people voted earlier, election day is always a holiday, and people don't usually go to the village on this one-day holiday, especially the next day when there is no other holiday.

EC wants to say that there was a lack of popular candidates in the elections. How to accept it? Although the election was not held on the party symbol, the leaders of the ruling party participated in the election, and the current chairmen also participated. According to the EC, in the three upazilas which received the least number of votes, in at least two of the three upazilas, the close relatives of the two members of parliament of the ruling Awami League party have won. So does the EC want to say that the political parties are boycotting the election because their leaders are basically candidates to attract voters to the center?

EC says that one of the reasons for the lack of voters in the elections is the non-participation of the BNP. It is such an unpleasant fact that there is no way to deny it. Yes, it is not that all or most of the BNP leaders would have won if they contested the elections, but the impact of their boycotting the elections is far reaching. As BNP did not participate in the elections, none of the like-minded members of the party participated. Even none of the political parties that participated with Awami League in the 12th National Assembly elections did not participate in the elections.

Awami League did not give the party symbol in the elections to avoid making the conflict between the parties public; But where is the Jatiya Party, where are the 14-partner parties, where is the 'King's Party' that suddenly flourished in the past and participated in the parliamentary elections? Although the Jatiya Party is recognized as the main opposition party in the Jatiya Sangsad, it is easy to imagine that this party does not exist at the marginal level, if we look at the history of their participation in the local government elections. The party surviving at the mercy of the government has been proven repeatedly in the crisis of leaders and workers. The first phase of the recently concluded Upazila Parishad elections proved that once again.

In the first phase of upazila parishad elections, most of the candidates are from Awami League. Local government election but there is no voter turnout in the election. The voting rate this time is less than the voting rate of the last parliamentary elections. Does this not prove that Awami League activists and candidates are failing to attract voters? Is this failure but an abstract expression of distrust?

No matter how many excuses the Election Commission makes about rough weather including paddy harvesting season, storms, the actual vote from the announcement of the election schedule to the election day. The wind was blowing across the specific 139 upazilas? The reality is that it never seemed like the vote had come. It is important to find out why this apathy of people towards voting is taking a terrible form.

There is no reason to think that all those who did not go to vote are supporters of BNP. So many Awami League leaders and activists in the country, have they gone to vote? Voter turnout shows that they too have lost interest in elections. People did not go to vote mainly because of an idea or belief that 'what will happen by voting'.

Have spoken to many personally, and most have the same opinion. It is a threat to the continuity of the democratic process. As people are becoming apathetic to vote day by day, if the 'assassins of darkness' ever get closer to the center of power, the road to liberation from here will continue to get longer and longer. Elections were once one of our festivals. Discussions and criticisms about votes and candidates were everywhere, but now those days are largely gone.

People who are not voting should be returned to vote, they should be given a chance, and a field of equal status and equal opportunities should be built. The right to vote, the democratic right. This sense needs awakening. An environment of communication and trust is needed between the center and the periphery. If the atmosphere of trust does not return, people will continue to deviate from voting and democratic rights!

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Student solidarity on the question of independent Palestine: why others sleep?



Ashraful Islam, Planning Editor, Barta24.com, Dhaka
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The world has woken up anew to the age-long brutality of Zionist Israel against the hapless citizens of Palestine, with Western aid and the astonishing silence of the Arab world. It would be wrong to say that this 'world' refers to the people of the world, mainly because of the unprecedented hellishness of recent times, which has angered a section of the world's students, youth and freedom-loving people, who are driven by their conscience. They are not borrowing techniques or any equations.

The remarkable thing is that the students and youth of Western countries, including the United States, who have given everything to humanity around the world, have come down on the streets to show solidarity with the oppressed Palestine in intense anger, ignoring the red eyes of their rulers. Even on US university campuses, there is intense tension. The country's law and order forces are leaving no stone unturned to use force and intimidation to stop the angry students. As a result, many students and even teachers are getting arrested.

According to international media reports, this manifestation of Palestinian solidarity in the United States is happening in various parts of the world including Europe. The students and youth of Bangladesh, who have historically been with the people of Palestine, have also taken to the streets for the last few days in favor of 'independent Palestine' and demanding an end to Israeli brutality. In continuation of several rallies in Dhaka University, a rally was held today on Thursday.

Born through a bloody nine-month liberation war, Bangladesh is no stranger to the bleakness of subjugation. Despite the various realities of political polarization including the distortion of the history of the liberation war, there is no shortage of love and solidarity for the oppressed people of Palestine in the minds of the people of Bangladesh. We notice that the current government and leaders of various levels of the ruling party have also taken a strong stand against brutality in Palestine. Although many people try to say that this position is for the opposition of the United States, we think that everyone should be united for the oppressed Palestine, regardless of the party. There should be no variation in taking a stand on this expression of solidarity in terms of domestic politics. Also, religious considerations should not play a role in expressing solidarity.

As a country that cherishes the heritage of freedom struggle, it should be our duty to take a stand for oppressed people in any part of the world. We heard the same sentiments of the liberating people echoed in the voice of the last British Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, at the midnight of 15th August, 1947, when India declared independence. That day he admitted unequivocally, ``Freedom Loving People Everywhere''.

But we are noticing the ambivalence of the political parties here in expressing the solidarity of independent Palestine in the polarization of internal politics. It is alleged that the desire of some parties in opposition to the government for the support of the Western powers is the reason for their strange silence on Palestine. While the Islamic parties have raised the bar on many internal issues with the guise of religious frenzy, their significant programs are not visible in the ongoing atrocities on Palestine. The assessment of political observers is that, although these parties and organizations are united in party and group interests, their position is unclear for the oppressed people.

On the other hand, we note with deep pain that the countries of the Middle East have continued to exhibit a surprising silence against the brutality of Palestine for centuries, despite the ongoing Israeli destruction, their strategic conservatism continues. Although they condemn Muslim solidarity, Western development and Israel, there is no strong action from their side. Countries continue to prioritize their own trade and security strategies.

Every day, hundreds of innocent Palestinian children, women-old people and even those under treatment are targeted by Israeli attacks, but the Arab world does not wake up. At a time when the West, including Israel, is reeling from Iran's active stance, if the Middle East countries had spoken the language of arms instead of mere condemnation, the scenario could have changed in a week. Analysts monitoring the situation in the Middle East say that if the Palestinian armed group Hamas had not put up a strong resistance against Israeli brutality, the Israeli prosperity and destruction would have spread much further.

Even if we take the call for US disarmament to have significance, it is clearly the result of the rise of Hamas and other pro-independence armed groups. Those who are confined to 'Palestinian solidarity' by tuning into various polarizations or by tactical protest-condemnation have no choice but to get out of it. Needless to say, strong global public opinion also has a definite value. Absolute solidarity for Palestine irrespective of all differences and religious identities is the need of the hour.

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City with dazzling lights and helpless faces of bikers!



Ashraful Islam, Planning Editor, Barta24.com, Dhaka
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It was evening. I was walking to workplace on Kazi Nazrul Islam Avenue. As I crossed the road at Banglamotor intersection, a young man sitting on a motorcycle called out, 'Brother, will you go?'

Unprepared and slightly annoyed, I replied, 'Did I ask you?'

The young man remained unresponsive, looking away with a sullen face. I stopped a little forward thinking that I think I gave him a lot of trouble. I thought, I should have said it like this. Returning to regret, I asked, 'Sorry', 'maybe you are not getting passengers for a long time?'

With great difficulty, the bike driver said that he had been standing for about one and a half hours, and could not find anyone to take him. After a long wait, if someone wants to go, there is a competition among the bikers standing with him. The passenger also takes that opportunity. Someone agrees to go for a lower fare, so the bikers ask the pedestrian if they see someone walking. The driver said that he could not get a job after passing his Master's degree from the National University, so he was forced to ride a bike. He said, 'It is not that there is no shame in calling someone like this, but nothing is greater than hunger and survival.'

I see bikers standing for a long time with dirty faces like this every day while coming to workplace. In other words, they are seen sitting unemployed like this all over the city of Dhaka. Recent data from various research institutes including Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET) says that there are more than 10 lakh motorbikes in the capital city of Dhaka. It can be assumed that a large part of them are connected to various ride sharing apps and hit the road to transport passengers on hire. Even after connecting to the ride sharing app, most of the bikers now agree to go to the desired destination by negotiating with interested passengers on the way.

According to 2022 statistics, there are currently over 32 lakh registered motorcycles in the country. Even at different district and upazila levels of the country, the practice of passenger transportation on motorbikes has started long ago. While visiting the Sundarbans in 2010, I saw two or three people riding on a bike in Mongla. After reviewing, it has been found that a large part of the educated youth of the country, not getting the desired job or waiting to apply for a job, have started to transport passengers on this motorcycle for the need of livelihood. But when one of the people of this nation is seen doing something or gets news of any possibility, everyone gets excited about it. In this traditional custom, many more bikers than necessary have come to transport passengers. So even if you go down the road hoping for a living, you are not seeing any passengers, you are also failing to earn the desired income. A large part of the young manpower thus sinks into despair and often meets with road accidents. Sometimes they get involved in various social crimes.

Many policymakers do not want to take into account the impact on public life of the extreme rise in commodity prices. Many of them can be heard saying in the face of journalists, 'There is no shortage of goods in the market' or 'People's purchasing power has now increased' etc. But how difficult it is for that class to survive in the society who have acquired a kind of self-esteem by getting education, who are unable to express their helplessness even in extreme poverty, can be easily understood by looking at the face of the bike driver standing for the passenger for a long time. Nowadays, it is not difficult to imagine the anger and heat within the society due to the welfare of social media. We notice that the rising rich are living a classless and glittering life, and on the other hand, in extreme despair, the sadness of not being able to gather enough food for hunger at the end of the day or the manager's anger at not being able to pay a small amount of money for the mess at the end of the month.

We see many more young people in different professions who are not able to make a living by transporting passengers on bikes, whose situation is even worse. A few days ago, I saw the news in mainstream newspapers about the incident that went viral on social media - after buying big fish in Kaowran Bazaar, the fish intestines, fins and other discarded parts are also being sold for free. A class of people is buying it while covering their faces. According to published news, they are neither beggars nor scoundrels. Those who are buying the share of those discarded fish parts are educated unemployed people who are in dire straits. They cannot afford to buy fish at Tk. 700-Tk. 800 per kg.

At present, the so-called 'development-progress' cannot be simplified by seeing the country's unstructured structure and the huge prestige of some people. We can unequivocally say that this development has not eliminated overall socio-economic inequality. Just as this bright city is nothing but a disappointment to the educated young man standing for an hour and a half at Banglamotor junction, similarly to the farmer in a remote village who does not get a fair price for his crops, the gray life is all bleak. 

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